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New York City Council
Lisa Garcia, Land Bank
Read summaries and jump into the video at the segment start.
Council staff calls the hearing to order. Chair Sandra Ung welcomes attendees, recognizes committee members Encarnación, Carr, and Abreu, and acknowledges committee counsel and staff who prepared the hearing.
Ung announces the committee will consider three nominations: Lisa Garcia for the NYC Land Bank Board, Dr. Dave Chokshi for the Board of Health, and John Mangin as Chair of the Board of Standards and Appeals, in that order.
Ung explains the Land Bank's seven-member board, real estate experience requirements, mission to preserve homeownership and prevent displacement, and the working group's task to seek state approval for establishment. Board members serve four-year terms without pay.
Ung details Garcia's appointment as DEP Commissioner in February 2026, her prior role as EPA Region 2 Regional Administrator, her work at Grist Magazine and Earthjustice, and her Juris Doctorate from Brooklyn Law School.
Garcia describes her career focus on environmental justice and community outreach, emphasizing her experience bringing stakeholders together. She highlights how community engagement will be paramount for the Land Bank's success.
Garcia outlines the Land Bank's dual role of collecting owed revenue and transferring delinquent properties to better public uses. She connects DEP's lien sale work to the land bank's mission and expresses excitement about helping establish the new entity.
Ung asks about Garcia's understanding of the land bank's vision. Garcia describes transitioning from the trust-based lien sale to a more equitable, accountable, and transparent model with flexibility for property reuse.
Ung asks about powers conferred on land banks by New York State. Garcia discusses the flexibility land banks provide for holding and reusing properties while taking community concerns into account.
Ung asks how the land bank can improve on past tools for revenue collection and housing preservation. Garcia emphasizes community outreach and engagement as key to designing a better process.
Garcia identifies efficiency and effectiveness in implementing new procedures as the biggest challenge, noting NYC's land bank is unique in combining collections with community-focused property reuse, unlike other cities' models.
Ung asks about Garcia's experience relevant to the board's real estate and planning requirements. Garcia cites DEP's work with the Department of Finance on lien sales and her experience running public engagement processes.
Ung questions whether Garcia can balance DEP commissioner duties with the working group's demands. Garcia confirms she can, noting other commissioners are also appointed and praising her 6,000-person DEP team.
Ung asks which stakeholders the working group should solicit input from. Garcia identifies affordable housing advocates, community economic development nonprofits, and revitalization groups as starting points.
Garcia shares her experience with contentious environmental justice hearings, emphasizing her priority of listening to all affected stakeholders and bringing feedback back to the board.
Krishnan asks how the land bank can creatively preserve affordable housing through CLTs and HDFCs. Garcia discusses the opportunity to reuse delinquent properties for community purposes, citing examples from Baton Rouge and other cities.
Abreu raises concerns about the lien sale list disproportionately targeting Black and brown homeowners and asks about foreclosure appropriateness and ensuring funds flow back to impacted communities. Garcia commits to addressing these issues as a core value.
Brewer, who authored the land bank bill, asks what kinds of projects might fall under the land bank and how many properties might be eligible. Garcia says it's hard to predict but notes DEP's expanded affordability programs and door-knocking efforts to keep homeowners in good standing.
Ung introduces the nomination of Dr. Dave Chokshi to the Board of Health, explains the board's role in legislating the NYC Health Code, and notes members serve six-year terms without pay and cannot be dismissed without cause.
Ung details Chokshi's roles as City College professor, Common Health Coalition chair, former NYC Health Commissioner during COVID-19, former H&H chief population health officer, and White House Fellow under President Obama.
Chokshi describes himself as a primary care doctor with a public health heart, sharing his personal journey as the first doctor in his family, his father's diabetes, and his experience caring for patients at Bellevue Hospital since 2014.
Chokshi highlights his tenure as health commissioner, including vaccinating 6 million New Yorkers, launching overdose prevention centers, and passing the racism as public health crisis resolution. He identifies modernizing the health system amid federal funding cuts as the greatest challenge.
Ung asks about specific progress on the 2021 racism resolution. Chokshi explains the resolution required annual reporting and tangible actions, particularly important during COVID-19, and acknowledges the work continues for Black, brown, and Native American New Yorkers.
Chokshi elaborates on the need to move from data to action, identifying cardiovascular disease, cancer, severe mental illness, and infectious diseases like hepatitis C and HIV as areas requiring targeted interventions for marginalized communities.
Chokshi states the Board of Health is ultimately accountable to the public, noting its six-year terms are designed to insulate decisions from political currents so scientific merit and public responsiveness guide outcomes.
Chokshi describes the Council-Board relationship as important, noting Council represents the people and should communicate with the Board about health code amendments responsive to public priorities.
Ung asks how Chokshi would respond if data showed policies weren't working. Chokshi emphasizes data is the lifeblood of public health and adjustments must be made when intended aims aren't achieved.
Chokshi discusses mechanisms for public input including written comments and oral testimony, and states that if a board policy produced unintended negative consequences, the primary responsibility is to adjust the approach.
Chokshi emphasizes existing mechanisms for public accountability through written comments and public testimony at Board of Health meetings as the most important channels for incorporating community feedback.
Krishnan asks about the health impacts of heavy screen use on children. Chokshi acknowledges growing evidence of mental health harms and opportunity costs to physical activity and sleep, noting enough evidence exists to act on limiting screen time while monitoring emerging research.
Krishnan raises concerns about the healthcare system's focus on reactive care over prevention, especially affecting low-income communities of color. Chokshi agrees, citing his career dedication to primary care and public health prevention, and commits to looking upstream at root causes.
Abreu asks about the board's role in eliminating childhood lead poisoning. Chokshi notes the board historically amended the health code to remove interior lead paint and says the agency takes the threat seriously, though he's not aware of current needed code changes.
Chokshi expresses concern about falling vaccination rates, noting measles, mumps, rubella, and polio are preventable tragedies. He emphasizes the importance of trusted messengers, particularly pediatricians and community health workers, over government officials alone.
Abreu asks about AI's potential role in public health. Chokshi acknowledges both potential harms from technology and potential benefits for improving access to care, advocating for a level-headed appreciation of both.
Chokshi discusses the challenge of federal policy changes and funding cuts weakening public health infrastructure. He emphasizes first doing no harm, partnering with the state, and improving collaboration between public health and healthcare sectors through the Common Health Coalition.
Lee expresses deep appreciation for Chokshi's all-community approach to health, recalling their partnership at Korean Community Services on hepatitis B, diabetes, and healthy food initiatives. She notes he understood diverse health needs better than previous commissioners.
Lee asks how the board can partner with city agencies for multilingual outreach amid threats like public charge and HR1. Chokshi cites his pride in releasing the first AAPI health report and the importance of disaggregated data, and points to NYC Care as a safety net for coverage losses.
Brewer asks about Chokshi's focus as a physician member, animal issues under Board of Health purview, drug overdoses, and mental health crises including problems with 988. Chokshi addresses each topic, emphasizing naloxone access, medication-assisted treatment, youth mental health, and lowering barriers to care.
Carr asks Chokshi to reflect on COVID decisions with hindsight. Chokshi acknowledges the loss of nearly 50,000 New Yorkers and says he would have paid more attention to how variants change and communicated that more nimbly to the public.
Carr presses on whether the city worker vaccine mandate was justified given CDC findings it didn't stop transmission. Chokshi defends the mandate, noting the vaccine reduces transmission risk and prevents hospitalizations and deaths. Carr argues terminated workers deserve their jobs back; Chokshi says that's a matter for the current administration.
Epstein asks about the hospital system's role in moving homeless people to housing and the changes to involuntary commitment law. Chokshi praises Bridge to Home and SHOW vans, and argues the real solution is expanding transitional and supportive housing supply and intensive community treatment teams rather than involuntary commitment.
Chair Ung calls a five-minute break after excusing Dr. Chokshi. The hearing reconvenes with staff calling attendees to take their seats.
Ung explains the BSA's five-member structure, borough residency limits, and the chair's required professional qualifications as a planner, architect, or engineer with at least 10 years of experience. The appointment expires October 6, 2027.
Ung details BSA's role in hearing appeals on zoning and construction code interpretations by DOB and fire code by FDNY, granting variances for unique hardships, and issuing special permits for deviations from zoning requirements.
Ung explains the 2025 Charter Amendments gave BSA broad powers to approve affordable housing projects that would otherwise violate zoning regulations, previously requiring full ULURP approval through City Planning and City Council. She notes the Council has no formal role in BSA proceedings.
Ung details Mangin's role as DCP Housing Division Director since 2014, his leadership on City of Yes for Housing Opportunity, MIH, and neighborhood plans, his work on the 2025 Charter Revision Commission that reduced council land use powers, and his Yale Law School degree.
Mangin describes his career from working with community groups across NYC after law school, to Fair Share Housing in New Jersey rooted in the Mount Laurel fair housing rulings, emphasizing his commitment to ensuring all people have a voice in land use decisions.
Mangin outlines his 12 years at City Planning working on neighborhood rezonings including SoHo-NoHo, Jamaica, Gowanus, and Midtown South, plus citywide actions like MIH and City of Yes, praising the Council's pro-housing record and role in carrying City of Yes across the finish line.
Mangin proactively addresses his 2014 article arguing for more housing of all types, noting the argument has since become mainstream. He commits to openness, transparency, and by-the-book compliance at BSA, and expresses excitement about the BSA Fast Track for affordable housing.
Ung notes the Council has no formal role in BSA decisions and asks how Mangin would weigh council member input. Mangin commits to a completely open door policy, taking council input into careful consideration within BSA's legal constraints.
Mangin states the Council should play a central role in planning and land use as established by the 1989 charter. He believes local voices are paramount but aren't the only voices that matter for decisions with broader community or citywide effects.
Ung presses for specifics on how Mangin will take council views seriously. Mangin commits to an open door policy and to addressing council member input in the decision record, noting whether the board acted on or acknowledged the input.
Ung asks about CBAs and when trade-offs are justified. Mangin calls CBAs a useful tool, citing $5 billion in City of Yes and $413 million in Jamaica, but cautions that CBAs shouldn't be so costly they prevent projects from happening. He declines to give a specific example of when they're not justified.
Ung contrasts DCP's user-friendly ZAP portal with BSA's limited website. Mangin commits to prioritizing website improvements to function more like ZAP, and to posting all applications, materials, environmental review documents, and public submissions online.
Ung asks whether the Council has legal authority to require BSA transparency improvements and whether it's fair to disregard community concerns. Mangin commits to the improvements without needing legislation and says local voices are paramount even if not always decisive.
Mangin describes his approach of meeting with anyone who wants to discuss applications. On engagement metrics, he focuses on making the public interface accessible, training community groups about BSA processes, and ensuring participation infrastructure exists before controversial applications arise.
Ung asks about monitoring enforcement of BSA conditions and publishing annual reports comparing community board recommendations to final decisions. Mangin says approvals are recorded against properties but he needs to learn more about enforcement. He declines to commit to annual reports at this time.
Williams thanks Mangin for Jamaica Neighborhood Plan work and confirms his role as policy director for the 2025 Charter Revision Commission, noting the council felt some proposals were hostile to their powers. Mangin acknowledges his involvement.
Williams asks how Mangin reconciles praising the council's housing role with participating in stripping council land use powers. Mangin argues the charter changes maintained the council's central role with minor adjustments for affordable housing types ULURP was bad at handling.
Williams challenges Mangin's claim that housing scarcity in affluent neighborhoods drives gentrification. Mangin argues the 1.4% vacancy rate fundamentally drives high costs, displacement, and segregation, and that decisions not to build in wealthier areas create pressure on lower-income neighborhoods.
Williams presses for empirical evidence. Mangin acknowledges housing scarcity isn't the only cause but calls it the root cause, citing the displacement risk index showing paycheck-to-paycheck families are most vulnerable. He notes a growing body of research over 25 years supports this view.
Williams cites research showing upzonings are associated with census tracts becoming whiter. Mangin acknowledges the study and argues broad-based approaches like City of Yes that ask all neighborhoods to contribute can address these concerns, and says he would not characterize Southeast Queens as wealthy exclusionary.
Williams asks what framework should apply when historically black working-class homeowner communities raise development concerns. Mangin cites the Jamaica plan's balance of higher densities in appropriate areas, sewer infrastructure investments, and protecting low-density districts. Williams notes she had to fight for the sewer funding.
Banks questions whether Mangin still stands by his article arguing housing advocates should embrace development of all types. Mangin confirms he still believes housing shortages drive a range of problems and that building more of all types is necessary.
Banks asks about the role of local communities in shaping what gets built. Mangin reiterates local voices are paramount but not the only voices, and that problems in individual communities can't be solved entirely by that community alone.
Banks quotes Mangin's article calling downzoning, CBAs, rent control, and affordable housing focus 'kludgy,' defined as awkward and poorly designed. Mangin clarifies all those tools are useful and essential, and his only point was that advocates should also push for more housing supply alongside those tools.
Banks asks what 'all types' means in a low-income community facing displacement. Mangin says it means multifamily, affordable at a range of incomes, one-to-two family homes, and market rate housing to accommodate demand that otherwise pressures lower-income neighborhoods.
Banks questions Mangin's comparison of community meeting participants to Tea Party activists. Mangin explains he was referencing jurisdictions with open meetings laws that would outlaw private conversations between council members and applicants, which would prevent negotiating CBAs. He wasn't talking about New York specifically.
Banks asks how Mangin determines whether opposition is legitimate. Mangin says he never thinks of input as legitimate or illegitimate. Banks then asks him to reconcile his writings about NIMBYs with saying communities should be heard; Mangin points to his career-long support for broad participation.
Banks asks for an example where community opposition would cause BSA to reject or change an application advancing housing goals. Mangin notes BSA's site-specific approvals provide more latitude than rezonings to accommodate local input within legal constraints.
Banks asks at what point CBA demands impede development. Mangin says it's about maintaining feasibility, not reasonableness, and that actors with leverage should keep project viability in mind. Banks asks who makes that determination; Mangin says it emerges from a political process.
Banks questions Mangin's use of 'homeowner cartels' in his 2014 article. Mangin says it's a term of art from fair housing literature referring to municipalities where homeowners have decisive voice, not his coinage and not applicable to NYC. Banks presses on whether homeowners opposing density are characterized as cartels; Mangin says the term doesn't imply a particular policy orientation.
Krishnan discusses the false binary between supply-side and tenant protection approaches, arguing for holistic planning that addresses displacement, community infrastructure like schools and open space, and housing together. Mangin wholeheartedly agrees, citing his collaboration with tenant advocates and the evolution from concentrated to broad-based housing approaches.
Krishnan asks how Mangin would incorporate holistic planning values into BSA's separate process for variances that sidestep ULURP. Mangin describes BSA as a humbler but crucial role for individual projects, bringing his values to agenda-setting and individual applications within legal constraints.
Krishnan asks whether Mangin sees combating displacement, engaging communities, and planning holistically as central to his BSA leadership. Mangin confirms yes, pointing to the BSA Fast Track's potential for publicly sponsored affordable housing in underserved areas as a key opportunity.
Carr asks how Mangin squares calling local voices paramount with referencing the Tea Party as radical. Mangin says he didn't call the Tea Party radical and was merely referencing groups passionately engaged in issues. He confirms political affiliation has no bearing on BSA decisions.
Carr asks if Mangin views CBAs as poison pills. Mangin denies questioning the earnestness of council members negotiating CBAs and calls them positive tools. Carr then challenges the City of Yes EIS finding no significant negative impacts despite infrastructure deficits; Mangin notes the EIS identified impacts and the $5 billion in negotiated investments addressed them.
Carr questions why the charter revision focused on the council's 50-day ULURP role when the full development process averages 3.4 years. Mangin says the charter efforts were part of a range of streamlining efforts including pre-certification processes at DCP.
Carr again presses on the cartel term; Mangin clarifies it refers to smaller municipalities, not NYC. Carr then asks about housing demand projections; Mangin cites the administration's estimate of 700,000 units needed over 10 years. Carr asks about mandating set-asides for existing residents; Mangin says he hasn't considered that question.
Canasio asks Mangin to explain his repeated use of 'fair' and 'fairer' in testimony. Mangin describes his career focus on creating fairer processes ensuring all affected people have a voice in land use decisions, and that everyone should share the burden of creating housing.
Canasio asks how Mangin would treat applications with zero public attendance at community board hearings. Mangin says BSA would rely on the community board's opinion. Canasio then asks about neighborhood character; Mangin explains it's primarily built context and that BSA cannot approve actions affecting neighborhood character, which must go to CPC and Council.
Canasio raises the need for three- and four-bedroom units. Mangin acknowledges the dire need for both small and family-sized units. Canasio then asks about additional transparency measures beyond the website; Mangin cites meeting roadmaps, plain-language descriptions, and community trainings on BSA processes.
Hanif asks Mangin to explain BSA's role and discusses his rezoning work including Gowanus. Mangin describes BSA's core function as a safety valve for individual sites facing zoning constraints, detailing variance standards, appeals, special permits, and the BSA Fast Track. He notes neighborhood rezonings require council support and describes working with faith-based organizations.
Hanif praises the $200 million for NYCHA in Gowanus and discusses challenges with CBA financing. She asks how Mangin's hearings would be more accessible. Mangin commits to transparent websites, community trainings, and emulating practices like plain-language agenda announcements from former DCP Chair Garodnick.
Brewer expresses frustration that the Upper West Side is treated as not wanting affordable housing despite having SROs and wanting more affordable units. She asks why every new building can't require affordable housing like some New Jersey cities. Mangin explains the fast track text is in the charter with limited discretion.
Brewer asks about rent-stabilized housing being demolished for market-rate development, citing a Gary Barnett building on 96th Street. She then asks about creating a zoning lot map. Mangin says zoning lot determinations require months of historical research and creating a legally effective map remains impossible, citing the 200 Amsterdam case.
Brewer asks about HDFCs and BSA's role. Mangin explains HDFCs are the vehicle for publicly sponsored affordable housing and the BSA Fast Track requires HDFC status. Brewer then presses on on-site vs off-site affordable units, arguing off-site in Manhattan sends poor people to lower-income areas. Mangin notes City of Yes shifted to primarily on-site requirements.
Ung asks whether buildings out of scale with context adversely affect neighborhood character, giving a hypothetical 14-story building in R5 zoning. Mangin says BSA cannot approve actions affecting neighborhood character, but notes some R1-R5 areas have tall buildings, making edge cases harder to answer definitively.
Ung asks Mangin to commit that the BSA Fast Track only applies to 100% permanently affordable housing and to specify maximum AMI. Mangin explains the charter uses HDFC state law language, which doesn't require 100% affordable to accommodate limited equity co-ops with non-qualifying residents. He declines to set a maximum AMI, deferring to HPD's soft letter process.
Williams revisits Mangin's article, noting most examples were from New York, not New Jersey as he claimed. Mangin explains he was criticizing overly restrictive open meetings laws that would prevent the council-applicant negotiations that produce CBAs. Williams then asks how his theory that local input defeats affordable housing would be put into practice at BSA; Mangin affirms public participation is incredibly important and community board input remains part of the fast track.
Williams cites NYU Furman Center research showing black homeowners face higher effective property tax rates. She challenges Mangin's written response that housing scarcity drives tax increases. Mangin acknowledges the inequities in the property tax system but argues the housing shortage also hurts homeowners through runaway costs.
Williams asks what guardrails Mangin will use to ensure his published views don't predetermine outcomes. Mangin points to his reputation as a conservative interpreter of zoning authority at DCP, committing to follow the text of the law even when it results in less housing, and supporting tightened variance and GCLE requirements.
Banks asks about BSA's role in NYCHA redevelopment, RAD/PACT conversions, and the Fulton-Chelsea-Elliott project. Mangin says he's unaware of any BSA involvement in that project, though BSA Fast Track could potentially apply to affordable infill on NYCHA campuses. He says large-scale NYCHA redevelopments would go through ULURP, not BSA.
Banks asks why the council should trust Mangin to administer provisions he helped create. Mangin says the findings are tightly constrained by law and his involvement is an asset. Banks presses for a concrete example where Mangin would say no to housing; Mangin gives the example of a 10-story building in a two-family district failing the neighborhood character finding.
Banks asks what Mangin has learned since writing the 2014 article. Mangin says 12 years at City Planning gave him textured understanding of how land use decisions and politics work. On transparency, Mangin commits to accessible websites, plain-language hearings, community trainings, and guidebooks to help non-practitioners understand BSA.
Banks asks for a commitment that residents opposing projects won't be dismissed as NIMBYs. Mangin commits to carefully listening to all community members, pointing to his first job in land use working with a diverse range of community organizations across the spectrum of housing views.
Brewer asks about air rights transfers that enable taller buildings, often without affordable housing. Mangin explains BSA typically has no role in workaday zoning lot mergers or landmark TDRs, which go through DCP. BSA only gets involved in controversial zoning lot disputes like the 200 Amsterdam case.
Williams asks whether BSA has set criteria for determining neighborhood character, calling it subjective. Mangin explains it's less subjective than it sounds, rooted in case law, with built context as primary and zoning and transit access as secondary factors. Williams raises a specific Jamaica Avenue project that is significantly larger than surrounding R3A/R4 zoning; Mangin says he's unaware of that application.
Ung excuses Mangin, opens the floor for public comments, and announces a two-minute limit per speaker with panels of four. Speakers are asked to fill out appearance cards.
Janes, an urban planner testifying as a private citizen, describes his first interaction with Mangin as memorable for being different from typical government dialogue. He calls Mangin temperamentally ill-suited for government service, particularly land use, and plans to submit written testimony with examples of misleading statements during City of Yes.
Gray, executive director of Open New York, calls Mangin the most qualified person to run BSA, citing his decade at DCP, his commitment to fair housing, and his dedication to personally hearing every public comment during 13-plus hours of City of Yes testimony. She notes 50% of renters and 45% of homeowners are rent-burdened.
Kanene testifies that Mangin's career making the case for building housing in high-cost neighborhoods is precisely what makes him qualified. She notes the BSA's expanded fast-track authority makes this one of the city's most consequential housing appointments, and his academic writing should be a prerequisite, not disqualification.
Clark, representing 500+ organizations and 250,000 tradespeople, supports Mangin as having the qualifications and judgment BSA demands. He emphasizes Mangin's legal background, land use expertise, and practical understanding of how decisions affect real projects and communities at a moment when the city needs faster housing production.
Weisbrod, former DCP chair who hired Mangin in 2014, calls it one of his best decisions. He credits Mangin as the intellectual brainchild behind Mandatory Inclusionary Housing and essential to the East New York rezoning. He describes Mangin as brilliant, collaborative, judicious, and open-minded.
Miller, testifying as a private citizen, notes the city needs 70,000 units per year but produces 20,000-30,000. He argues that when the process fails this direly, ordinary New Yorkers pay the price, and urges council to consider impacts on people who aren't local but want to live in New York.
Cohn argues Mangin brings the expertise, judgment, independence, and commitment to fair government that BSA requires. He says serious engagement with controversial land use questions shouldn't be disqualifying, and disagreement with policy arguments shouldn't be conflated with inability to administer the law fairly. He notes 2 million New Yorkers are rent-burdened.
Cheney, representing the NY Housing Conference, testifies in support and submits a letter signed by 47 housing organizations. He calls Mangin highly qualified, noting his attorney training, land use expertise, and experience with public approvals are precisely what BSA needs, and that his testimony today demonstrates his temperament and patience.
Thomas, a central Brooklyn resident, shares a story about a development project near his church that was delayed when the developer sold the site after council modifications. He argues Mangin is an excellent choice for the technical economic role of BSA chair, and that policy should continue coming from the council.
Jack, a Ridgewood resident, points to Mangin's 2018 paper 'Ethnic Enclaves and the Zoning Game' as demonstrating his familiarity with local constituencies and nuanced relationships to land use policy, which he says should allay concerns about his commitment to local control.
Mehta, NY Director at RPA, strongly supports Mangin, noting the BSA's expanded fast-track authority makes this appointment critical. He praises Mangin's decade of public service at DCP, his thoughtfulness, and his commitment to responsible governance, and urges confirmation.
Handler, a Queens resident, testifies in support, noting the 1.4% vacancy rate is the lowest since 1968 and the city needs 700,000 additional homes. He says Mangin's willingness to speak honestly about where the zoning system has fallen short is a qualification, not a disqualification.
Zimmerman, a lower Manhattan resident, supports Mangin, noting the BSA chair will determine whether the city carries out the voter-approved fast-track mandate or continues to let affordable housing die in process. He says 'housing delayed is housing denied' and urges confirmation without delay.
Johnson supports the nomination 100% but complains that Zoom panelists were allowed to speak before in-person speakers, contrary to the expected order. He criticizes the council speaker for opposing the nomination after voting for City of Yes, and accuses security of lying about a former council member being present.
Robles testifies in support, arguing the housing crisis is driven by distrust and that Mangin can repair trust by building housing that fits neighborhoods and is approved by local residents, creating harmony between advocates and skeptics.
O'Connor, pastor of First Presbyterian Church in Jamaica, supports Mangin based on his experience with the Jamaica Neighborhood Rezoning. He says Mangin listened to multiple community perspectives and brought critical tools for affordable housing at the volume needed to respond to displacement in Southeast Queens.
Garodnick, former council member and DCP director, joins the hearing to rebut earlier attacks on Mangin's character. He calls Mangin smart, dedicated, honest, and direct, and says the BSA's narrow legal focus is well-suited to someone who understands the law and council prerogatives. He urges confirmation.
Morano asks Garodnick to put his council member hat on and address concerns about Mangin's skepticism of local influence. Garodnick confirms council members know their communities best and that must be balanced with citywide housing needs, saying Mangin understands both. He shares that Mangin always took community concerns seriously during their four years working together.
Greenberg, executive director of the NYU Furman Center, contextualizes Mangin's 2014 article within decades of academic research including Rothstein's 'Color of Law' and Fischel's work on home voters. He notes BSA's governance has many checks and balances and that the council retains significant power over its structure.
Hirsch, UHAB policy director, supports Mangin and brings a guidebook he helped create at the Center for Urban Pedagogy explaining affordable housing, zoning, and ULURP at an eighth-grade level. She says his technical knowledge of HDFC co-ops is exactly the expertise needed at BSA.
Seeing no further public speakers, Ung closes the public hearing, thanks candidates, committee members, staff, and the public for their participation, and adjourns the Committee on Rules, Privileges, Elections, Standards and Ethics.